OXFORD—I was surrounded by staunch Democrats who knew my leftist leanings and that I wanted Bernie Sanders to win the Democratic nomination for president. The table between us was laden with drinks and food, but the air was thick with politics.
One by one, they made the case about how it had to be Hillary Clinton, not a socialist-turned-Democrat like Sanders. One of them was a former Texas congressman with whom I had rarely before disagreed.
"Tell me you'll vote for Hillary if she gets the nomination," more than one asked.
It was the pressing question of the late-season Democratic primaries: Will Bernie's troops support Hillary? I resisted answering long into the evening, but the pressure—or those drinks—finally wore me down. "Sure," I said. "I'll vote for her."
Cast my vote I did—holding my nose—for a seasoned politician whom deep-pocketed financiers and a Democratic Party that did its best to scuttle Sanders' primary challenge had backed, and she lost against a foot-in-the-mouth firebrand with zero political experience.
On the morning after election night, having gone to bed before the final results were in, my wife Suzanne woke me with an ominous, "Joe, he won." For 20 minutes, I tried to rouse myself into the brave new world of the Trump era. It wasn't easy.
Within 48 hours, I was reading post-apocalyptic eulogies to the America that was before Nov. 8.
"America died on Nov. 8, not with a bang and a whimper, but at its own hand via electoral suicide," award-winning journalist and author Neal Gabler wrote. "We the people chose a man who has shredded our values, our morals, our compassion, our tolerance, our decency, our sense of common purpose, our very identity."
Gabler wasn't finished. "Who knew that tens of millions of white men felt so emasculated by women and challenged by minorities?" It was ridiculous, handwringing, nearly hysterical comments like these that finally cleared my head.
Look, I've got no illusions about Donald Trump. His promises to rebuild the nation's infrastructure at the same time he's going to oversee a massive tax cut to business and the wealthy ring about as true as Clinton's election-season conversion on the Trans-Pacific Partnership agreement. Trump's treatment of his own workers and contractors put the lie to his self-proclaimed role as champion of the working class.
And yes, many of those who voted for Trump are the same racists, neo-Nazis and misogynists who have crawled out from under their rocks since Election Day to taunt and threaten minorities and women.
Still, Gabler and many of the anti-Trump post-election protesters are wrong when they issue a blanket indictment of all Trump voters, millions of whom voted out of an economic desperation that Clintonite neoliberals ignored for too long. Those voters are not bigots. Many of them supported Obama in 2012, only to see him buddy up to the same Wall Street insiders and lousy trade deals that were part of the Clinton world.
New Yorker magazine reported just before this year's election that Wall Street exec Thomas R. Nides was positioned for a place in President Hillary Clinton's inner circle, possibly as chief of staff.
At least Trump offered the illusion of change. In the 1990s, Bill Clinton talked like a progressive, a politician who cared for the working stiff, the marginalized. Yet, as writer Ben Dickenson pointed out, "Every budget of his administration instigated Reaganite tax cuts, draconian law and order policies, privatization, and tens of billions of dollars on military spending."
With Hillary's strong support, Bill Clinton "cut welfare spending, gave tax breaks to corporations and established trade agreements to carve up the world for U.S. business. Promised health reform was abandoned, civil liberties pegged back, and race issues were not addressed."
In Cornel West's post-election analysis in The Guardian, he summed it up this way: "Trump's election was enabled by the neoliberal policies of the Clintons and Obama that overlooked the plight of our most vulnerable citizens."
One of the great ironies of this election is that the now-defunct Democratic Leadership Council initially developed the Clintons' "New Democrat" path as a means to recapture the white vote, particularly in the South. The wrongness of that path became clear on Nov. 8 of this year.
The saddest news, however, is that working folks likely will still be looking for a leader four years from now, a leader who truly wants to help, and this time means it from the bottom of his or her heart.